North Korean famine


The North Korean famine Hangul: 북한기근, which together with the accompanying general economic crisis are known as the Arduous March Chosŏn'gŭl: 고난의 행군 in North Korea, occurred in North Korea from 1994 to 19985

The famine stemmed from a variety of factors Economic mismanagement and the loss of Soviet support caused food production and imports to decline rapidly A series of floods and droughts exacerbated the crisis The North Korean government and its centrally planned system proved too inflexible to effectively curtail the disaster Estimates of the death toll vary widely Out of a total population of approximately 22 million, somewhere between 240,000 and 3,500,000 North Koreans died from starvation or hunger-related illnesses, with the deaths peaking in 199767 Recent research suggests that the likely number of excess deaths between 1993 and 2000 was 500,000 to 600,0008

In 1997, Seo Gwan Hee, the North Korean Minister of Agriculture, was accused of spying for the United States government and sabotaging North Korean agriculture on purpose, thus leading to the famine9 As a result, he was executed by firing squad publicly by the North Korean government10

Contents

  • 1 Arduous March
  • 2 Background
  • 3 Floods and drought
  • 4 Widespread malnutrition
    • 41 Military
    • 42 Women
    • 43 Children
  • 5 Public distribution system
  • 6 Health care
  • 7 Estimated number of deaths
  • 8 Black markets
  • 9 International response
  • 10 Post-famine developments
  • 11 See also
  • 12 References
  • 13 Further reading
  • 14 External links

Arduous Marchedit

The term "Arduous March" became a metaphor for the famine following a state propaganda campaign in 1993 The Rodong Sinmun urged the North Korean citizenry to invoke the memory of an apocryphal fable from Kim Il-sung's time as a commander of a small group of anti-Japanese guerrilla fighters The story, referred to as the Arduous March, is described as "fighting against thousands of enemies in 20 degrees below zero, braving through a heavy snowfall and starvation, the red flag fluttering in front of the rank"11

As part of this state campaign, uses of words such as 'famine' and 'hunger' were banned because they implied government failure Citizens who said deaths were due to the famine could be in serious trouble with the authorities12

Backgroundedit

The great famine, known in North Korea by the officially mandated phrase konanŭi haenggun The Arduous March, was a central event in the country's history, forcing the regime and its people to change in fundamental and unanticipated ways13

Only about 20% of North Korea's mountainous terrain is arable land Much of the land is only frost-free for six months, allowing only one crop per year The country has never been self-sufficient in food, and many experts considered it unrealistic to try to be14

In the late 1980s, when the Soviet Union, under its leader Mikhail Gorbachev, was embarking on political and economic reform, it began demanding payment from North Korea for past and current aid — amounts North Korea could not repay On 26 December 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed, ending all aid and trade concessions, such as cheap oil15 Without Soviet aid, the flow of imports to the North Korean agricultural sector ended, and the government proved too inflexible to respond16 In 1991, energy imports fell by 75%17 The economy went into a downward spiral, with imports and exports falling in tandem Flooded coal mines required electricity to operate pumps, and the shortage of coal worsened the shortage of electricity Agriculture relied on electrically powered irrigation systems and artificial fertilizers and pesticides, and it was hard hit by the economic collapse1819

Most North Koreans had experienced nutritional deprivation long before the mid-1990s The country had once been fed with a centrally planned economic system that overproduced food, had long ago reached the limits of its productive capacity, and could not respond effectively to exogenous shocks20

North Korea's state trading companies emerged as an alternative means of conducting foreign economic relations Over the past two decades, these stated trading companies have become important conduits of funding for the regime, with a percentage of all revenues going "directly into Kim Jong-il's personal accounts … which have been used to secure and maintain the loyalty of the senior leadership" 21

The country soon instigated austerity measures, dubbed the "eat two meals a day" campaign22 These measures proved inadequate in stemming the economic decline According to Professor Hazel Smith of Cranfield University,23

the methods of the past that had produced short-to medium-term gains might have continued producing further small economic benefits if the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc had remained and continued to supply oil, technology, and expertise

— Hazel Smith, Hungry for Peace: International Security, Humanitarian Assistance, and Social Change in North Korea

Without the help from these countries, North Korea was unable to respond adequately to the coming famine For a time, China filled the gap left by the Soviet Union's collapse and propped up North Korea's food supply with significant aid24 By 1993, China was supplying North Korea with 77 percent of its fuel imports and 68 percent of its food imports Thus, North Korea replaced its dependence on the Soviet Union with dependence on China – with predictably dire consequences In 1993, China faced its own grain shortfalls and need for hard currency, and it sharply cut aid to North Korea

Floods and droughtedit

The economic decline and failed policies provided the context for the famine, but the floods of the mid-1990s were the immediate cause The floods in July and August 1995 were described as being "of biblical proportions" by independent observers25 They were estimated to affect as much as 30 percent of the country26

As devastating floods ravaged the country in 1995, arable land, harvests, grain reserves, and social and economic infrastructure were destroyed The United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs reported that "between 30 July and 18 August 1995, torrential rains caused devastating floods in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea DPRK In one area, in Pyongsan county in North Hwanghae province, 877 mm of rain were recorded to have fallen in just seven hours, an intensity of precipitation unheard of in this area water flow in the engorged Amnoc River, which runs along the Korea/China border, was estimated at 48 billion tons over a 72 hour period Flooding of this magnitude had not been recorded in at least 70 years"27

The major issues created by the floods were not only the destruction of crop lands and harvests, but also the loss of emergency grain reserves, because many of them were stored underground According to the United Nations, the floods of 1994 and 1995 destroyed around 15 million tons of grain reserves,28 and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention stated that 12 million tons or 12% of grain production was lost in the 1995 flood29 There were further major floods in 1996 and a drought in 199730

North Korea lost an estimated 85% of its power generation capacity due to flood damage to infrastructures such as hydropower plants, coal mines, and supply and transport facilities31 UN officials reported that the power shortage from 1995 to 1997 was not due to a shortage of oil, because only two out of a total of two dozen power stations were dependent on heavy fuel oil for power generation and these were supplied by KEDO the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization About 70% of power generated in the DPRK came from hydropower sources, and the serious winter-spring droughts of 1996 and 1997 and a breakdown on one of the Yalu River's large hydro turbines created major shortages throughout the country at that time, severely cutting back railway transportation which was almost entirely dependent on electric power, which in turn resulted in coal supply shortages to the coal-fueled power stations which supplied the remaining 20% of power in the country32

A 2008 study, however, found no variation in children's nutrition between counties that had experienced flooding and those that had not33

Widespread malnutritionedit

With the widespread destruction of harvests and food reserves, the majority of the population became desperate for food, including areas well established in food production In 1996, it was reported that people in "the so-called better-off parts of the country, were so hungry that they ate the maize cobs before the crop was fully developed"34 This reduced expected production of an already ravaged harvest by 50%35

People everywhere were affected by the crisis, regardless of gender, affiliation or social class Child malnutrition, as indicated by severe underweight, was found at 321% in 1987, 14% in 1997 and 7% in 200236

Rice and maize production of North Korea from 1989 to 199737
Year 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
Rice milled per 1 million tons 324 336 307 334 356 218 140 098 110
Corn harvested per 1 million tons 434 390 420 372 394 355 137 083 101

Militaryedit

Sŏn'gun Songun is North Korea's "Military First" policy, which prioritizes the Korean People's Army in affairs of state and allocates national resources to the "army first" Even though the armed forces were given priority for the distribution of food, this did not mean that they all received generous rations38

The army was supposed to find ways to grow food to feed itself and to develop industries that would permit it to purchase food and supplies from abroad The rations received by military personnel were very basic, and "ordinary soldiers of the million-strong army often remained hungry, as did their families, who did not receive preferential treatment simply because a son or daughter was serving in the armed forces"39

Womenedit

Women suffered significantly due to the gendered structure of North Korean society, which deemed women responsible for obtaining food, water and fuel for their families, which often included extended families40 Simultaneously, women had the highest participation rate in the workforce of any country in the world, calculated at 89%41 Therefore, women had to remain in the workforce and obtain supplies for their families

Pregnant and nursing women faced severe difficulties in staying healthy; maternal mortality rates increased to approximately 41 per 1000, while simple complications such as anemia, hemorrhage and premature birth became common due to vitamin deficiency4243 It was estimated that the number of births declined by about 03 children per woman during that period744

Childrenedit

Children, especially those under two years old, were most affected by both the famine and the poverty of the period The World Health Organization reported death rates for children at 93 out of every 1000, while those of infants were cited at 23 out of every 100045 Understandably, "undernourished mothers found it difficult to maintain exclusive breast-feeding, and no suitable alternative to this practice was available Infant formula was not produced locally, and only a minuscule amount of it was imported"34

The famine resulted in a population of homeless, migrant children known as Kotjebi46

Public distribution systemedit

The food shortage was augmented by the deficiency of the public distribution system which was created by Cabinet Decrees 96 and 102 in November 19574748 The system distributed food to people according to their political standing and their degree of loyalty to the state The structure is as follows the World Food Program considers 600 grams of cereal per day to be less than a "survival ration"49:

Category Amount allocated
Privileged industrial worker 900 grams/day
Ordinary worker 700 grams/day
Retired citizen 300 grams/day
2~4-year-old 200 grams/day

However, the extended period of food shortages put a strain on the system, and it spread the amount of available food allocations thinly across the groups, affecting 62% of the population who were entirely reliant on public distribution The system was feeding only 6% of the population by 1997

Year Changes
1987 Reduced 10%
1992 Reduced another 10%
1994 450 grams/day down to 400 grams/day
1997 128 grams/day

The annual amount of food a farmer could keep fell from 167 kilograms to 107 kilograms

In a contentious attempt to alleviate the plight, the North Korean government suggested an "alternative foods" regime for the people to sustain themselves on For example, small bricks of bark, leaves and grass were added into diets50

Health careedit

Main article: Health in North Korea

Inadequate medical supplies, water and environmental contamination, frequent power failures, and outdated training led to a health care crisis that added to the overall devastation According to a 1997 UNICEF delegation, hospitals were clean but wards were devoid of even the most rudimentary supplies and equipment; sphygmomanometers, thermometers, scales, kidney dishes, spatulas, IV giving sets, etc The mission saw numerous patients being treated with home made beer bottle IV sets, clearly unsterile There was an absence of ORS oral rehydration solution and even the most basic drugs such as analgesics and antibiotics51

Estimated number of deathsedit

The exact number of deaths during the acute phase of the crisis, from 1994 to 1998, will probably never be fully determined, since the government has refused to release any of this information to the outside world Independent analysis estimates that between 800,000 and 1,500,000 people died due to starvation, disease, or sickness caused by lack of food5253

Haggard and Noland reviewed all estimates of the "excess" deaths caused by the famine Estimates range from 220,000 to 4,000,000 between 1995 and 1998, as claimed by the North Korean government54

In 1998, US Congressional staffers who visited the country reported that: "Therefore, we gave a range of estimates, from 300,000 to 800,000 dying per year, peaking in 1997 That would put the total number of deaths from the North Korean food shortage at between 900,000 and 24 million between 1995 and 1998"55 Higher estimates range from 2 to 3 million6

A survey by North Korea's Public Security Ministry suggests that 2,500,000 to 3,000,000 people died from 1995 to March 1998, although the numbers may have been inflated in order to secure additional food aid56 The most sophisticated estimates used to measure excess deaths based on different data from multiple sources give a total number ranging from 600,000 to 1,000,000, or 3 to 5 percent of the pre-crisis population57

The consequences of the famine are still playing out – most notably, in the breakdown of the public distribution system and the government's food rationing system and other economic institutions, as well as increasing self-reliance by North Koreans in providing for themselves and their families58

Robinson's team found 245,000 "excess" deaths an elevated mortality rate as a result of premature death, 12 percent of the population in one affected region Taking those results as the upper limit and extrapolating across the entire North Korean population across the country's provinces produces an upper limit of 2,000,000 famine-related deaths58

According to the recent research by the US Census Bureau in 2011, the likely range of excess deaths between 1993 and 2000 was between 500,000 and 600,000, and a total of 600,000 to 1,000,000 excess deaths from the year 1993 to the year 20087page needed8

Black marketsedit

At the same time, the years of famine were also marked by a dramatic revival of illegal, private market activities, and this furthermore led to what little pluralism North Korea has today Smuggling across the border boomed, and up to 250,000 North Koreans moved to Chinacitation needed Amartya Sen had mentioned bad governance as one of the structural and economic problems which contributed to the famine, but it seems that the famine also led to the widespread government corruption which nearly collapsed old controls and regulations from Pyongyang59

When fuel became scarce while demand for logistics rose, so-called servi-cha 써비차, McC-Rsr: ssŏbich'a, "service cars" operations formed, wherein an entrepreneur provides transportation to businesses, institutions and individuals without access to other means of transportation, while the car is formally owned by a legitimate enterprise or unit that also provides transportation permits60 The people of North Korea were becoming less reliant on their government and they came to trust the Kim family less59

With the desperation derived from famine and informal trade and commercialization, North Koreans developed their black market, and moreover, they were surviving by adapting61 Andrei Lankov has described the process as the "natural death of North Korean Stalinism"62

The average official salary in 2011 was equivalent to $US2 per month while the actual monthly income seems to be around $US15 because most North Koreans earn money from illegal small businesses: trade, subsistence farming, and handicrafts The illegal economy is dominated by women because men have to attend their places of official work even though most of the factories are non-functioning63

International responseedit

Initial assistance to North Korea started as early as 1990, with small-scale support from religious groups in South Korea and assistance from UNICEF3 In August 1995, North Korea made an official request for humanitarian aid and the international community responded accordingly:4

Food aid by year thousands of tons
Donor 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Total
S Korea 150 3 60 48 12 352 198 458 542 407 493 80 431 59 23 3,314
China 100 150 151 201 280 420 330 212 132 451 207 264 116 3,015
USA 22 193 231 589 351 319 222 47 105 28 171 121 1 2,400
Others 394 380 501 361 198 248 571 168 143 201 125 20 26 145 61 71 47 3,661
Total 544 505 904 791 1,000 1,231 1,508 1,178 944 845 1,097 307 721 375 298 95 47 12,390

Beginning in 1996, the US also started shipping food aid to North Korea through the United Nations World Food Programme WFP to combat the famine Shipments peaked in 1999 at nearly 600,000 tons making the US the largest foreign aid donor to the country at the time Under the Bush Administration, aid was drastically reduced year after year from 320,000 tons in 2001 to 28,000 tons in 200564 The Bush Administration was criticized for using "food as a weapon" during talks over the North's nuclear weapons program, but insisted the US Agency for International Development USAID criteria were the same for all countries and the situation in North Korea had "improved significantly since its collapse in the mid-1990s"

South Korea before the Lee Myung-bak government and China remained the largest donors of food aid to North Korea The US objects to this manner of donating food due to the North Korean state's refusal to allow donor representatives to supervise the distribution of their aid inside North Korea65 Such supervision would ensure that aid does not get seized and sold by well-connected elites or diverted to feed North Korea's large military In 2005, South Korea and China together provided almost 1 million tons of food aid, each contributing half66

Humanitarian aid from North Korea's neighbors has been cut off at times in order to provoke North Korea into resuming boycotted talks For example, South Korea decided to "postpone consideration" of 500,000 tons of rice for the North in 2006, but the idea of providing food as a clear incentive as opposed to resuming "general humanitarian aid" has been avoided67 There have also been aid disruptions due to widespread theft of railway cars used by mainland China to deliver food relief68

Post-famine developmentsedit

North Korea has not yet resumed its self-sufficiency in food production and it relies on external food aid from South Korea, China, the United States, Japan, the European Union and others In 2002, North Korea requested that food supplies no longer be delivered69

In the mid-2000s, the World Food Programme WFP reported that famine conditions were in imminent danger of returning to North Korea, and the government was reported to have mobilized millions of city-dwellers in order to help rice farmers7071 In 2012, the World Food Program reported that food would be sent to North Korea as soon as possible The food would first be processed by a local processor and it would then be delivered directly to North Korean citizens

Agricultural production increased from about 27 million metric tons in 1997 to 42 million metric tons in 200465 In 2008, food shortages continued to be a problem in North Korea, although less so than in the mid to late 1990s Flooding in 2007 and reductions in food aid exacerbated the problem72

In 2011, during a visit to North Korea, former US President Jimmy Carter reported that one third of children in North Korea were malnourished and stunted in their growth because of a lack of food He also said that the North Korean government had reduced daily food intake from 5,900 to 2,900 kJ 1,400 to 700 kcal in 201173 by comparison, a normal food intake for a healthy European is 8,400 to 10,500 kJ 2,000 to 2,500 kcal per day74 Some scholars believed that North Korea was purposefully exaggerating the food shortage, aiming to receive additional food supplies for its planned mass-celebrations of Kim Il-sung's 100th birthday in 2012 by means of foreign aid75

Escaped North Koreans reported in September 2010 that starvation had returned to the nation76 North Korean pre-school children are reported to be an average of 3 to 4 cm 12 to 16 inches shorter than South Koreans, which some researchers believe can only be explained by conditions of famine and malnutrition 77 Roughly 45% of North Korean children under the age of five are stunted from malnutrition and the population of kotjebi persists78 Most people only eat meat on public holidays, namely Kim Il-sung's and Kim Jong-il's birthdays79

One report by the Tokyo Shimbun in April 2012 claimed that since the death of Kim Jong-il in December 2011, around 20,000 people had starved to death in South Hwanghae Province80 Another report by the Japanese Asia Press agency in January 2013 claimed that in North and South Hwanghae provinces more than 10,000 people had died of famine Other international news agencies have begun circulating stories of cannibalism81

On the other hand, the World Food Program has reported malnutrition and food shortages, but not famine82 In 2016, UN Committee on the Rights of the Child reported a steady decline in the infant mortality rate since 200883 An academic analysis in 2016 found that the situation had greatly improved since the 1990s and that North Korea's levels of health and nutrition were on par with other developing countries84 In 2017, the analyst Andrei Lankov argued that previous predictions of a return to famine were unfounded, and that the days of starvation were long since passed85

See alsoedit

  • Kotjebi
  • Potato production in North Korea

Analogous famines:

  • Great Chinese Famine
  • Holodomor

General:

  • Economy of North Korea
  • History of North Korea
  • World Food Programme

Referencesedit

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  2. ^ "North Korea: A terrible truth" The Economist 17 April 1997 Retrieved 24 September 2011 
  3. ^ a b "Humanitarian Aid Toward North Korea: A Global Peace-Building Process," East Asian Review, Winter 2001
  4. ^ a b Staff January 2013 Quantity Reporting – Food Aid to North Korea World Food Program, Retrieved 2 February 2013
  5. ^ Hagard, Stephan and Noland, Marcus 2007 Famine in North Korea: markets, aid and reform Columbia University Press:New York
  6. ^ a b Noland, Marcus, Sherman Robinson and Tao Wang, Famine in North Korea: Causes and Cures, Institute for International Economics
  7. ^ a b c Spoorenberg, Thomas; Schwekendiek, Daniel 2012 "Demographic Changes in North Korea: 1993–2008" Population and Development Review 38 1: 133–158 doi:101111/j1728-4457201200475x 
  8. ^ a b Daniel Goodkind; Loraine West; Peter Johnson 28 March 2011 "A Reassessment of Mortality in North Korea, 1993-2008" US Census Bureau, Population Division: 3 Retrieved 8 November 2014 
  9. ^ Floru, JP 2017 The Sun Tyrant: A Nightmare Called North Korea London, UK: Biteback Publishing p 21 ISBN 9781785902215 OCLC 984074543 When the size of the catastrophe he had caused became apparent, Kim Jong-il had his agricultural minister Seo Gwan Hee executed by firing squad Seo was accused of being a spy for ‘the American imperialists and their South Korean lackeys’ and of having sabotaged North Korea’s self-reliance in agriculture 
  10. ^ Sang-Hun, Choe March 18, 2010 "N Korea Is Said to Execute Finance Chief" The New York Times Retrieved July 10, 2017 North Korea publicly executed Seo Gwan-hee, a party secretary in charge of agriculture, on spying charges in 1997 when a famine decimated the population, according to defectors 
  11. ^ Demick, Barbara 2010 Nothing to Envy: Love, Life and Death in North Korea Sydney: Fourth Estate p 69 ISBN 9780732286613 
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  13. ^ p153 They Think They're Normal
  14. ^ Oberdorfer, Don; Carlin, Robert 2014 The Two Koreas: A Contemporary History Basic Books p 291 ISBN 9780465031238 
  15. ^ NOLAND, ROBINSON & WANG, supra note 137, at 3; HAGGARD & NOLAND, FAMINE, supra
  16. ^ NOLAND, supra note 105, at 3; see also HAGGARD & NOLAND, HUNGER AND HUMAN RIGHTS, supra note 70, at 14; See NOLAND, ROBINSON & WANG, supra note 137, at 5
  17. ^ Oberdorfer, Don; Carlin, Robert 2014 The Two Koreas: A Contemporary History Basic Books p 181 ISBN 9780465031238 
  18. ^ Demick, Barbara 2010 Nothing to Envy: Love, Life and Death in North Korea Sydney: Fourth Estate p 67 ISBN 9780732286613 
  19. ^ Oberdorfer, Don; Carlin, Robert 2014 The Two Koreas: A Contemporary History Basic Books p 308 ISBN 9780465031238 
  20. ^ p 153 They Think They're Normal
  21. ^ Frank, "Economic Reforms in North Korea 1998–2004 p 10"
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  24. ^ HAGGARD & NOLAND, HUNGER AND HUMAN RIGHTS, supra note 70, at 14
  25. ^ Oberdorfer, Don; Carlin, Robert 2014 The Two Koreas: A Contemporary History Basic Books p 290 ISBN 9780465031238 
  26. ^ Buzo, Adrian 2002 The Making of Modern Korea London: Routledge p 175 ISBN 0-415-23749-1 
  27. ^ UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs, "United Nations Consolidated UN Inter-Agency Appeal for Flood-Related Emergency Humanitarian Assistance to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea DPRK 1 July 1996-31 March 1997" April 1996, reproduced on http://wwwreliefwebint/ocha_ol/pub/appeals/96appeals/dprk/prk_atxlhtml#top
  28. ^ UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs, "Consolidated UN Inter Agency-Appeal," 1 July 1996-21 March 1997
  29. ^ UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs, "Status of Public Health-Democratic People's Republic of Korea, April 1997"
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  32. ^ Ian Davies, quoted in Beal, "Waters of Prosperity"
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  36. ^ Schwekendiek, Daniel "A socioeconomic history of North Korea", Jefferson and London, McFarland Publishers, 2011, p 60
  37. ^ 『UNDP1998』
  38. ^ John Powell, "Testimony to the Sub-committee on East Asia and the Pacific of the US House of Representatives, 2 May 2002," reproduced as "Special Report, North East Asia Peace and Security Network," May 20, 2002
  39. ^ International FIDES Service no 4144, "Hell on Earth: The Church Must Wipe the Tears," April 23, 1999, http://wwwfidesorg/english/1999/e19990423html
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  47. ^ Pyongyang Republic, Chollins
  48. ^ Marcus Noland March 20, 2006 Transition from the Bottom-Up: Institutional Change in North Korea PDF Report p 6 
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  54. ^ The resource above is based on Andrew S Natsios states, "From 1994 to 1998, 2-3 million people died of starvation and hunger-related illnesses, and the famine has generated a range of social and political effects" Natsios, "The Politics of Famine in North Korea"
  55. ^ Final Report
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  85. ^ Lankov, Andrei 27 March 2017 "N Korea and the myth of starvation" Aljazeera 

Further readingedit

  • Vollertsen, Norbert 2004 Inside North Korea: Diary of a Mad Place San Francisco: Encounter Books ISBN 978-1-893554-87-0 

External linksedit

  • Newspaper account Daily Telegraph including famine deaths of kindergarten children
  • Korea Forest Service


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