Gift economy


A gift economy, gift culture, or gift exchange is a mode of exchange where valuables are not traded or sold, but rather given without an explicit agreement for immediate or future rewards[1] This contrasts with a barter economy or a market economy, where goods and services are primarily exchanged for value received Social norms and custom govern gift exchange Gifts are not given in an explicit exchange of goods or services for money or some other commodity[2]

The nature of gift economies forms the subject of a foundational debate in anthropology Anthropological research into gift economies began with Bronisław Malinowski's description of the Kula ring[3] in the Trobriand Islands during World War I[4] The Kula trade appeared to be gift-like since Trobrianders would travel great distances over dangerous seas to give what were considered valuable objects without any guarantee of a return Malinowski's debate with the French anthropologist Marcel Mauss quickly established the complexity of "gift exchange" and introduced a series of technical terms such as reciprocity, inalienable possessions, and prestation to distinguish between the different forms of exchange[5][6]

According to anthropologists Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry, it is the unsettled relationship between market and non-market exchange that attracts the most attention Gift economies are said, by some,[7] to build communities, and that the market serves as an acid on those relationships[8]

Gift exchange is distinguished from other forms of exchange by a number of principles, such as the form of property rights governing the articles exchanged; whether gifting forms a distinct "sphere of exchange" that can be characterized as an "economic system"; and the character of the social relationship that the gift exchange establishes Gift ideology in highly commercialized societies differs from the "prestations" typical of non-market societies Gift economies must also be differentiated from several closely related phenomena, such as common property regimes and the exchange of non-commodified labour

Contents

  • 1 Principles of gift exchange
    • 11 Property and alienability
    • 12 Gift vs prestation
    • 13 Inalienable possessions
    • 14 Reciprocity and the "spirit of the gift"
    • 15 Charity, debt, and the "poison of the gift"
    • 16 Spheres of exchange and "economic systems"
    • 17 Proscriptions
  • 2 Case studies: Prestations
    • 21 Moka exchange in Papua New Guinea: competitive exchange
    • 22 Toraja funerals: the politics of meat distribution
  • 3 Charity and alms giving
    • 31 Merit making in Buddhist Thailand
    • 32 Charity: Dana in India
    • 33 The Children of Peace in Canada
  • 4 Gifting as non-commodified exchange in market societies
    • 41 Organ transplant networks, sperm and blood banks
    • 42 Copyleft vs copyright: the gift of "free" speech
    • 43 Points: Loyalty programs
    • 44 Free shops
    • 45 Burning Man
    • 46 Cannabis market in the District of Columbia
  • 5 Related concepts
    • 51 Mutual aid
    • 52 Moral economy
    • 53 The commons
    • 54 The new intellectual commons: Free content
      • 541 Filesharing
      • 542 Free and open-source software
      • 543 Collaborative works
  • 6 See also
  • 7 Notes
  • 8 Further reading

Principles of gift exchange

According to anthropologist Jonathan Parry, discussion on the nature of gifts, and of a separate sphere of gift exchange that would constitute an economic system, has been plagued by the ethnocentric use of modern, western, market society-based conception of the gift applied as if it were a cross-cultural, pan-historical universal However, he claims that anthropologists, through analysis of a variety of cultural and historical forms of exchange, have established that no universal practice exists[9] His classic summation of the gift exchange debate highlighted that ideologies of the "pure gift" "are most likely to arise in highly differentiated societies with an advanced division of labour and a significant commercial sector" and need to be distinguished from non-market "prestations"[10] According to Weiner, to speak of a "gift economy" in a non-market society is to ignore the distinctive features of their exchange relationships, as the early classic debate between Bronislaw Malinowski and Marcel Mauss demonstrated[5][6] Gift exchange is frequently "embedded" in political, kin, or religious institutions, and therefore does not constitute an "economic" system per se[11]

Property and alienability

Gift-giving is a form of transfer of property rights over particular objects The nature of those property rights varies from society to society, from culture to culture, and are not universal The nature of gift-giving is thus altered by the type of property regime in place[12]

Property is not a thing, but a relationship amongst people about things[13] According to Hann, property is a social relationship that governs the conduct of people with respect to the use and disposition of things Anthropologists analyze these relationships in terms of a variety of actors' individual or corporate "bundle of rights" over objects[12] An example is the current debates around intellectual property rights[14][15][16][17][18] Hann and Strangelove both give the example of a purchased book an object that he owns, over which the author retains a "copyright" Although the book is a commodity, bought and sold, it has not been completely "alienated" from its creator who maintains a hold over it; the owner of the book is limited in what he can do with the book by the rights of the creator[19][20] Weiner has argued that the ability to give while retaining a right to the gift/commodity is a critical feature of the gifting cultures described by Malinowski and Mauss, and explains, for example, why some gifts such as Kula valuables return to their original owners after an incredible journey around the Trobriand islands The gifts given in Kula exchange still remain, in some respects, the property of the giver[6]

In the example used above, "copyright" is one of those bundled rights that regulate the use and disposition of a book Gift-giving in many societies is complicated because "private property" owned by an individual may be quite limited in scope see § The commons below[12] Productive resources, such as land, may be held by members of a corporate group such as a lineage, but only some members of that group may have "use rights" When many people hold rights over the same objects gifting has very different implications than the gifting of private property; only some of the rights in that object may be transferred, leaving that object still tied to its corporate owners Anthropologist Annette Weiner refers to these types of objects as "inalienable possessions" and to the process as "keeping while giving"[6]

Gift vs prestation

A Kula necklace, with its distinctive red shell-disc beads, from the Trobriand Islands

Malinowski's study of the Kula ring[21] became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of "The Gift" "Essai sur le don", 1925[5] In Parry's view, Malinowski placed the emphasis on the exchange of goods between individuals, and their non-altruistic motives for giving the gift: they expected a return of equal or greater value Malinowski stated that reciprocity is an implicit part of gifting; he contended there is no such thing as the "free gift" given without expectation[22]

Mauss, in contrast, emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities These gifts were, he argued, a "total prestation" A prestation is a service provided out of a sense of obligation, like "community service"[23] They were not simple, alienable commodities to be bought and sold, but, like the "Crown jewels", embodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of a "corporate kin group", such as a line of kings Given the stakes, Mauss asked "why anyone would give them away" His answer was an enigmatic concept, "the spirit of the gift" Parry believes that a good part of the confusion and resulting debate was due to a bad translation Mauss appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the relationship and the promise of any future gifts

Both Malinowski and Mauss agreed that in non-market societies, where there was no clear institutionalized economic exchange system, gift/prestation exchange served economic, kinship, religious and political functions that could not be clearly distinguished from each other, and which mutually influenced the nature of the practice[22]

Inalienable possessions

Watercolor by James G Swan depicting the Klallam people of chief Chetzemoka at Port Townsend, with one of Chetzemoka's wives distributing potlatch

Mauss' concept of "total prestations" was further developed by Annette Weiner, who revisited Malinowski's fieldsite in the Trobriand Islands Her critique was twofold: first, Trobriand Island society is matrilineal, and women hold a great deal of economic and political power Their exchanges were ignored by Malinowski Secondly, she developed Mauss' argument about reciprocity and the "spirit of the gift" in terms of "inalienable possessions: the paradox of keeping while giving"[6] Weiner contrasts "moveable goods" which can be exchanged with "immoveable goods" that serve to draw the gifts back in the Trobriand case, male Kula gifts with women's landed property She argues that the specific goods given, like Crown Jewels, are so identified with particular groups, that even when given, they are not truly alienated Not all societies, however, have these kinds of goods, which depend upon the existence of particular kinds of kinship groups French anthropologist Maurice Godelier[24] pushed the analysis further in "The Enigma of the Gift" 1999 Albert Schrauwers has argued that the kinds of societies used as examples by Weiner and Godelier including the Kula ring in the Trobriands, the Potlatch of the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast, and the Toraja of South Sulawesi, Indonesia are all characterized by ranked aristocratic kin groups that fit with Claude Lévi-Strauss' model of "House Societies" where "House" refers to both noble lineage and their landed estate Total prestations are given, he argues, to preserve landed estates identified with particular kin groups and maintain their place in a ranked society[25]

Reciprocity and the "spirit of the gift"

According to Chris Gregory reciprocity is a dyadic exchange relationship that we characterize, imprecisely, as gift-giving Gregory believes that one gives gifts to friends and potential enemies in order to establish a relationship, by placing them in debt He also claimed that in order for such a relationship to persist, there must be a time lag between the gift and counter-gift; one or the other partner must always be in debt, or there is no relationship Marshall Sahlins has stated that birthday gifts are an example of this[26][page needed] Sahlins notes that birthday presents are separated in time so that one partner feels the obligation to make a return gift; and to forget the return gift may be enough to end the relationship Gregory has stated that without a relationship of debt, there is no reciprocity, and that this is what distinguishes a gift economy from a "true gift" given with no expectation of return something Sahlins calls "generalized reciprocity": see below[27]

Marshall Sahlins, an American cultural anthropologist, identified three main types of reciprocity in his book Stone Age Economics 1972 Gift or generalized reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services without keeping track of their exact value, but often with the expectation that their value will balance out over time Balanced or Symmetrical reciprocity occurs when someone gives to someone else, expecting a fair and tangible return at a specified amount, time, and place Market or Negative reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services where each party intends to profit from the exchange, often at the expense of the other Gift economies, or generalized reciprocity, occurred within closely knit kin groups, and the more distant the exchange partner, the more balanced or negative the exchange became[26]

Within the virtual world the proliferation of public domain content, Creative Common Licences, and Open Source projects have also contributed to what it might be considered an economics game changer variable[28]

Charity, debt, and the "poison of the gift"

Jonathan Parry has argued that ideologies of the "pure gift" "are most likely to arise only in highly differentiated societies with an advanced division of labour and a significant commercial sector" and need to be distinguished from the non-market "prestations" discussed above[10] Parry also underscored, using the example of charitable giving of alms in India Dāna, that the "pure gift" of alms given with no expectation of return could be "poisonous" That is, the gift of alms embodying the sins of the giver, when given to ritually pure priests, saddled these priests with impurities that they could not cleanse themselves of "Pure gifts", given without a return, can place recipients in debt, and hence in dependent status: the poison of the gift[29] David Graeber points out that no reciprocity is expected between unequals: if you make a gift of a dollar to a beggar, he will not give it back the next time you meet More than likely, he will ask for more, to the detriment of his status[30] Many who are forced by circumstances to accept charity feel stigmatized In the Moka exchange system of Papua New Guinea, where gift givers become political "big men", those who are in their debt and unable to repay with "interest" are referred to as "rubbish men"

The French writer Georges Bataille, in La part Maudite, uses Mauss's argument in order to construct a theory of economy: the structure of gift is the presupposition for all possible economy Bataille is particularly interested in the potlatch as described by Mauss, and claims that its agonistic character obliges the receiver of the gift to confirm their own subjection Gift-giving thus embodies the Hegelian dipole of master and slave within the act

Spheres of exchange and "economic systems"

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The relationship of new market exchange systems to indigenous non-market exchange remained a perplexing question for anthropologists Paul Bohannan argued that the Tiv of Nigeria had three spheres of exchange, and that only certain kinds of goods could be exchanged in each sphere; each sphere had its own different form of special purpose money However, the market and universal money allowed goods to be traded between spheres and thus served as an acid on established social relationships[31] Jonathan Parry and Maurice Bloch, argued in "Money and the Morality of Exchange" 1989, that the "transactional order" through which long-term social reproduction of the family takes place has to be preserved as separate from short-term market relations[32] It is the long-term social reproduction of the family that is sacralized by religious rituals such baptisms, weddings and funerals, and characterized by gifting

In such situations where gift-giving and market exchange were intersecting for the first time, some anthropologists contrasted them as polar opposites This opposition was classically expressed by Chris Gregory in his book "Gifts and Commodities" 1982 Gregory argued that

Commodity exchange is an exchange of alienable objects between people who are in a state of reciprocal independence that establishes a quantitative relationship between the objects exchanged Gift exchange is an exchange of inalienable objects between people who are in a state of reciprocal dependence that establishes a qualitative relationship between the transactors emphasis added[33]

Gregory contrasts gift and commodity exchange according to five[citation needed] criteria:

Commodity exchange Gift exchange
immediate exchange delayed exchange
alienable goods inalienable goods
actors independent actors dependent
quantitative relationship qualitative relationship
between objects between people

Other anthropologists, however, refused to see these different "exchange spheres" as such polar opposites Marilyn Strathern, writing on a similar area in Papua New Guinea, dismissed the utility of the contrasting setup in "The Gender of the Gift" 1988[34]

Wedding rings: commodity or pure gift

Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects are either gifts or commodities to be traded in restricted spheres of exchange, Arjun Appadurai and others began to look at how objects flowed between these spheres of exchange ie how objects can be converted into gifts and then back into commodities They refocussed attention away from the character of the human relationships formed through exchange, and placed it on "the social life of things" instead They examined the strategies by which an object could be "singularized" made unique, special, one-of-a-kind and so withdrawn from the market A marriage ceremony that transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family heirloom is one example; the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift Singularization is the reverse of the seemingly irresistible process of commodification They thus show how all economies are a constant flow of material objects that enter and leave specific exchange spheres A similar approach is taken by Nicholas Thomas, who examines the same range of cultures and the anthropologists who write on them, and redirects attention to the "entangled objects" and their roles as both gifts and commodities[35]

Proscriptions

Many societies have strong prohibitions against turning gifts into trade or capital goods Anthropologist Wendy James writes that among the Uduk people of northeast Africa there is a strong custom that any gift that crosses subclan boundaries must be consumed rather than invested[36]:4 For example, an animal given as a gift must be eaten, not bred However, as in the example of the Trobriand armbands and necklaces, this "perishing" may not consist of consumption as such, but of the gift moving on In other societies, it is a matter of giving some other gift, either directly in return or to another party To keep the gift and not give another in exchange is reprehensible "In folk tales," Lewis Hyde remarks, "the person who tries to hold onto a gift usually dies"[36]:5

Daniel Everett, a linguist who studied a small tribe of hunter-gatherers in Brazil,[37] reported that, while they are aware of food preservation using drying, salting, and so forth, they reserve the use of these techniques for items for barter outside of the tribe Within the group, when someone has a successful hunt they immediately share the abundance by inviting others to enjoy a feast Asked about this practice, one hunter laughed and replied, "I store meat in the belly of my brother"[38][39]

Carol Stack's All Our Kin describes both the positive and negative sides of a network of obligation and gratitude effectively constituting a gift economy Her narrative of The Flats, a poor Chicago neighborhood, tells in passing the story of two sisters who each came into a small inheritance One sister hoarded the inheritance and prospered materially for some time, but was alienated from the community Her marriage ultimately broke up, and she integrated herself back into the community largely by giving gifts The other sister fulfilled the community's expectations, but within six weeks had nothing material to show for the inheritance but a coat and a pair of shoes[36]:75–76

Case studies: Prestations

Marcel Mauss was careful to distinguish "gift economies" reciprocity in market-based societies from the "total prestations" given in non-market societies A prestation is a service provided out of a sense of obligation, like "community service"[23] These "prestations" bring together domains that we would differentiate as political, religious, legal, moral and economic, such that the exchange can be seen to be embedded in non-economic social institutions These prestations are frequently competitive, as in the potlatch, Kula exchange, and Moka exchange[40]

Moka exchange in Papua New Guinea: competitive exchange

Main article: Moka exchange Mount Hagen, Papua New Guinea

The Moka is a highly ritualized system of exchange in the Mount Hagen area, Papua New Guinea, that has become emblematic of the anthropological concepts of "gift economy" and of "big man" political system Moka are reciprocal gifts of pigs through which social status is achieved Moka refers specifically to the increment in the size of the gift[41] Social status in the "big man" political system is the result of giving larger gifts than one has received These gifts are of a limited range of goods, primarily pigs and scarce pearl shells from the coast To return the same amount as one has received in a moka is simply the repayment of a debt, strict reciprocity Moka is the extra To some, this represents interest on an investment However, one is not bound to provide moka, only to repay the debt One adds moka to the gift to increase one's prestige, and to place the receiver in debt It is this constant renewal of the debt relationship which keeps the relationship alive; a debt fully paid off ends further interaction Giving more than one receives establishes a reputation as a Big man, whereas the simple repayment of debt, or failure to fully repay, pushes one's reputation towards the other end of the scale, "rubbish man"[42] Gift exchange thus has a political effect; granting prestige or status to one, and a sense of debt in the other A political system can be built out of these kinds of status relationships Sahlins characterizes the difference between status and rank by highlighting that Big man is not a role; it is a status that is shared by many The Big man is "not a prince of men", but a "prince among men" The "big man" system is based upon the ability to persuade, rather than command[43]

Toraja funerals: the politics of meat distribution

Three tongkonan noble houses in a Torajan village Ritual slaughter of gift cattle at a funeral

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia[44] Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, and massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan which are owned by noble families Membership in a tongkonan is inherited by all descendants of its founders Any individual Toraja may thus be a member of numerous tongkonan, as long as they contribute to its ritual events Membership in a tongkonan carries benefits, such as the right to rent some of its rice fields[45]

Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days The funerals are like "big men" competitions where all the descendants of a tongkonan will compete through gifts of sacrificial cattle Participants will have invested cattle with others over the years, and will now draw on those extended networks to make the largest gift The winner of the competition becomes the new owner of the tongkonan and its rice lands They display all the cattle horns from their winning sacrifice on a pole in front of the tongkonan[45]

The Toraja funeral differs from the "big man" system in that the winner of the "gift" exchange gains control of the Tongkonan's property It creates a clear social hierarchy between the noble owners of the tongkonan and its land, and the commoners who are forced to rent their fields from him Since the owners of the tongkonan gain rent, they are better able to compete in the funeral gift exchanges, and their social rank is more stable than the "big man" system[45]

Charity and alms giving

Main article: Alms

Anthropologist David Graeber has argued that the great world religious traditions on charity and gift giving emerged almost simultaneously during the "Axial age" the period between 800 and 200 BCE, which was the same period in which coinage was invented and market economies established on a continental basis These religious traditions on charity emerge, he argues, as a reaction against the nexus formed by coinage, slavery, military violence and the market a "military-coinage" complex The new world religions, including Hinduism, Judaism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity, and Islam all sought to preserve "human economies" where money served to cement social relationships rather than purchase things including people[46]

Charity and alms-giving are religiously sanctioned voluntary gifts given without expectation of return Case studies demonstrate, however, that such gift-giving is not necessarily altruistic[47]

Merit making in Buddhist Thailand

Young Burmese monk

Theravada Buddhism in Thailand emphasizes the importance of giving alms merit making without any intention of return a pure gift, which is best accomplished according to doctrine, through gifts to monks and temples The emphasis is on the selfless gifting which "earns merit" and a future better life for the giver rather than on the relief of the poor or the recipient on whom the gift is bestowed Bowie's research among poorer Thai farmers shows, however, that this ideal form of gifting is limited to the rich who have the resources to endow temples, or sponsor the ordination of a monk[48] Monks come from these same families, hence the doctrine of pure gifting to monks has a class element to it Poorer farmers place much less emphasis on merit making through gifts to monks and temples They equally validate gifting to beggars Poverty and famine is widespread amongst these poorer groups, and by validating gift-giving to beggars, they are in fact demanding that the rich see to their needs in hard times Bowie sees this as an example of a moral economy see below in which the poor use gossip and reputation as a means of resisting elite exploitation and pressuring them to ease their "this world" suffering[49]

Charity: Dana in India

Dāna is a form of religious charity given in Hindu India The gift is said to embody the sins of the giver the "poison of the gift", who it frees of evil by transmitting it to the recipient The merit of the gift is dependent on finding a worthy recipient such as a Brahmin priest Priests are supposed to be able to digest the sin through ritual action and transmit the gift with increment to someone of greater worth It is imperative that this be a true gift, with no reciprocity, or the evil will return The gift is not intended to create any relationship between donor and recipient, and there should never be a return gift Dana thus transgresses the so-called universal "norm of reciprocity"[10]

The Children of Peace in Canada

Sharon Temple

The Children of Peace 1812–1889 were a utopian Quaker sect Today, they are primarily remembered for the Sharon Temple, a national historic site and an architectural symbol of their vision of a society based on the values of peace, equality and social justice They built this ornate temple to raise money for the poor, and built the province of Ontario's first shelter for the homeless They took a lead role in the organization of the province's first co-operative, the Farmers' Storehouse, and opened the province's first credit union The group soon found that the charity they tried to distribute from their Temple fund endangered the poor Accepting charity was a sign of indebtedness, and the debtor could be jailed without trial at the time; this was the "poison of the gift" They thus transformed their charity fund into a credit union that loaned small sums like today's micro-credit institutions This is an example of singularization, as money was transformed into charity in the Temple ceremony, then shifted to an alternate exchange sphere as a loan Interest on the loan was then singularized, and transformed back into charity[50]

Gifting as non-commodified exchange in market societies

Non-commodified spheres of exchange exist in relation to the market economy They are created through the processes of singularization as specific objects are de-commodified for a variety of reasons and enter an alternate exchange sphere As in the case of organ donation, this may be the result of an ideological opposition to the "traffic in humans" In other cases, it is in opposition to the market and to its perceived greed It may, however, be used by corporations as a means of creating a sense of endebtedness and loyalty in customers Modern marketing techniques often aim at infusing commodity exchange with features of gift exchange, thus blurring the presumably sharp distinction between gifts and commodities[51][full citation needed]

Organ transplant networks, sperm and blood banks

Blood donation poster, WWII Main article: Organ gifting

Market economies tend to reduce everything – "including human beings, their labor, and their reproductive capacity"[citation needed] – to the status of commodities The rapid transfer of organ transplant technology to the third world has created a trade in organs, with sick bodies travelling to the global south for transplants, and healthy organs from the global south being transported to the richer global north, "creating a kind of 'Kula ring' of bodies and body parts"[52] However, all commodities can also be singularized, or de-commodified, and transformed into gifts In North America, it is illegal to sell organs, and citizens are enjoined to give the "gift of life" and donate their organs in an organ gift economy[53] However, this gift economy is a "medical realm rife with potent forms of mystified commodification"[54] This multimillion-dollar medical industry requires clients to pay steep fees for the gifted organ, which creates clear class divisions between those who donate frequently in the global south and will never benefit from gifted organs, and those who can pay the fees and thereby receive the gifted organ[53]

Unlike body organs, blood and semen have been successfully and legally commodified in the United States Blood and semen can thus be commodified, but once consumed are "the gift of life" Although both can be either donated or sold, are perceived as the "gift of life" yet are stored in "banks", and can be collected only under strict government regulated procedures, recipients very clearly prefer altruistically donated semen and blood Ironically, the blood and semen samples with the highest market value are those that have been altruistically donated The recipients view semen as storing the potential characteristics of their unborn child in its DNA, and value altruism over greed[55] Similarly, gifted blood is the archetype of a pure gift relationship because the donor is only motivated by a desire to help others[56]

Copyleft vs copyright: the gift of "free" speech

Main article: Copyleft

Engineers, scientists and software developers have created open-source software projects such as the Linux kernel and the GNU operating system They are prototypical examples for the gift economy's prominence in the technology sector and its active role in instating the use of permissive free software and copyleft licenses, which allow free reuse of software and knowledge Other examples include file-sharing and open access

Points: Loyalty programs

Main article: Loyalty program

Many retail organizations have "gift" programs meant to encourage customer loyalty to their establishments Bird-David and Darr refer to these as hybrid "mass-gifts" which are neither gift nor commodity They are called mass-gifts because they are given away in large numbers "free with purchase" in a mass-consumption environment They give as an example two bars of soap in which one is given free with purchase: which is the commodity and which the gift The mass-gift both affirms the distinct difference between gift and commodity while confusing it at the same time As with gifting, mass-gifts are used to create a social relationship Some customers embrace the relationship and gift whereas others reject the gift relationship and interpret the "gift" as a 50% off sale[57]

Free shops

Main article: Give-away shop Inside Utrecht Giveaway shop The banner reads "The earth has enough for everyone's need, but not for everyone's greed"

"Give-away shops", "freeshops" or "free stores" are stores where all goods are free They are similar to charity shops, with mostly second-hand items—only everything is available at no cost Whether it is a book, a piece of furniture, a garment or a household item, it is all freely given away, although some operate a one-in, one-out–type policy swap shops The free store is a form of constructive direct action that provides a shopping alternative to a monetary framework, allowing people to exchange goods and services outside of a money-based economy The anarchist 1960s countercultural group The Diggers[58] opened free stores which simply gave away their stock, provided free food, distributed free drugs, gave away money, organized free music concerts, and performed works of political art[59] The Diggers took their name from the original English Diggers led by Gerrard Winstanley[60] and sought to create a mini-society free of money and capitalism[61] Although free stores have not been uncommon in the United States since the 1960s, the freegan movement has inspired the establishment of more free stores Today the idea is kept alive by the new generations of social centres, anarchists and environmentalists who view the idea as an intriguing way to raise awareness about consumer culture and to promote the reuse of commodities

Burning Man

Main article: Burning Man Black Rock City, the temporary settlement created in the Nevada Desert for Burning Man, 2010

Burning Man is a week-long annual art and community event held in the Black Rock Desert in northern Nevada, in the United States The event is described as an experiment in community, radical self-expression, and radical self-reliance The event forbids commerce except for ice, coffee, and tickets to the event itself[62] and encourages gifting[63] Gifting is one of the 10 guiding principles,[64] as participants to Burning Man both the desert festival and the year-round global community are encouraged to rely on a gift economy The practice of gifting at Burning Man is also documented by the 2002 documentary film "Gifting It: A Burning Embrace of Gift Economy",[65] as well as by Making Contact's radio show "How We Survive: The Currency of Giving [encore]"[63]

Cannabis market in the District of Columbia

Voters in the District of Columbia have legalized the growing of cannabis for personal recreational use by approving Initiative 71 in November 2014, but the 2015 "Cromnibus" Federal appropriations bills prevented the District from creating a system to allow for its commercial sale Possession, growth, and use of the drug by adults is legal in the District, as is giving it away, but sale and barter of it is not, in effect creating a gift economy[66]

Related concepts

Mutual aid

The Conquest of Bread by Peter Kropotkin, influential work which presents the economic vision of anarcho-communism

Many anarchists, particularly anarcho-primitivists and anarcho-communists, believe that variations on a gift economy may be the key to breaking the cycle of poverty Therefore, they often desire to refashion all of society into a gift economy Anarcho-communists advocate a gift economy as an ideal, with neither money, nor markets, nor central planning This view traces back at least to Peter Kropotkin, who saw in the hunter-gatherer tribes he had visited the paradigm of "mutual aid"[67] In place of a market, anarcho-communists, such as those who inhabited some Spanish villages in the 1930s, support a currency-less gift economy where goods and services are produced by workers and distributed in community stores where everyone including the workers who produced them is essentially entitled to consume whatever they want or need as payment for their production of goods and services[68]

As an intellectual abstraction, mutual aid was developed and advanced by mutualism or labor insurance systems and thus trade unions, and has been also used in cooperatives and other civil society movements Typically, mutual-aid groups will be free to join and participate in, and all activities will be voluntary They are often structured as non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic non-profit organizations, with members controlling all resources and no external financial or professional support They are member-led and member-organized They are egalitarian in nature, and designed to support participatory democracy, equality of member status and power, and shared leadership and cooperative decision-making Members' external societal status is considered irrelevant inside the group: status in the group is conferred by participation[69]

Moral economy

English historian EP Thompson wrote of the moral economy of the poor in the context of widespread English food riots in the English countryside in the late eighteenth century According to Thompson these riots were generally peaceable acts that demonstrated a common political culture rooted in feudal rights to "set the price" of essential goods in the market These peasants held that a traditional "fair price" was more important to the community than a "free" market price and they punished large farmers who sold their surpluses at higher prices outside the village while there were still those in need within the village A moral economy is thus an attempt to preserve an alternate exchange sphere from market penetration[70][71] The notion of a peasants with a non-capitalist cultural mentality using the market for their own ends has been linked to subsistence agriculture and the need for subsistence insurance in hard times James C Scott points out, however, that those who provide this subsistence insurance to the poor in bad years are wealthy patrons who exact a political cost for their aid; this aid is given to recruit followers The concept of moral economy has been used to explain why peasants in a number of colonial contexts, such as the Vietnam War, have rebelled[72]

The commons

Main article: Commons

Some may confuse common property regimes with gift exchange systems "Commons" refers to the cultural and natural resources accessible to all members of a society, including natural materials such as air, water, and a habitable earth These resources are held in common, not owned privately[73] The resources held in common can include everything from natural resources and common land to software[74] The commons contains public property and private property, over which people have certain traditional rights When commonly held property is transformed into private property this process alternatively is termed "enclosure" or more commonly, "privatization" A person who has a right in, or over, common land jointly with another or others is called a commoner[75]

There are a number of important aspects that can be used to describe true commons The first is that the commons cannot be commodified – if they are, they cease to be commons The second aspect is that unlike private property, the commons are inclusive rather than exclusive – their nature is to share ownership as widely, rather than as narrowly, as possible The third aspect is that the assets in commons are meant to be preserved regardless of their return of capital Just as we receive them as a shared right, so we have a duty to pass them on to future generations in at least the same condition as we received them If we can add to their value, so much the better, but at a minimum we must not degrade them, and we certainly have no right to destroy them[76]

The new intellectual commons: Free content

Main article: Free content

Free content, or free information, is any kind of functional work, artwork, or other creative content that meets the definition of a free cultural work[77] A free cultural work is one which has no significant legal restriction on people's freedom:

  • to use the content and benefit from using it,
  • to study the content and apply what is learned,
  • to make and distribute copies of the content,
  • to change and improve the content and distribute these derivative works[78][79]

Although different definitions are used, free content is legally similar if not identical to open content An analogy is the use of the rival terms free software and open source which describe ideological differences rather than legal ones[80]

Free content encompasses all works in the public domain and also those copyrighted works whose licenses honor and uphold the freedoms mentioned above Because copyright law in most countries by default grants copyright holders monopolistic control over their creations, copyright content must be explicitly declared free, usually by the referencing or inclusion of licensing statements from within the work

Though a work which is in the public domain because its copyright has expired is considered free, it can become non-free again if the copyright law changes[81]

Information is particularly suited to gift economies, as information is a nonrival good and can be gifted at practically no cost zero marginal cost[82][83] In fact, there is often an advantage to using the same software or data formats as others, so even from a selfish perspective, it can be advantageous to give away one's information

Filesharing

Markus Giesler in his ethnography Consumer Gift System, described music downloading as a system of social solidarity based on gift transactions[84] As Internet access spread, file sharing became extremely popular among users who could contribute and receive files on line This form of gift economy was a model for online services such as Napster, which focused on music sharing and was later sued for copyright infringement Nonetheless, online file sharing persists in various forms such as Bit Torrent and Direct download link A number of communications and intellectual property experts such as Henry Jenkins and Lawrence Lessig have described file-sharing as a form of gift exchange which provides numerous benefits to artists and consumers alike They have argued that file sharing fosters community among distributors and allows for a more equitable distribution of media

Free and open-source software

In his essay "Homesteading the Noosphere", noted computer programmer Eric S Raymond said that free and open-source software developers have created "a 'gift culture' in which participants compete for prestige by giving time, energy, and creativity away"[85] Prestige gained as a result of contributions to source code fosters a social network for the developer; the open source community will recognize the developer's accomplishments and intelligence Consequently, the developer may find more opportunities to work with other developers However, prestige is not the only motivator for the giving of lines of code An anthropological study of the Fedora community, as part of a master's study at the University of North Texas in 2010-11, found that common reasons given by contributors were "learning for the joy of learning and collaborating with interesting and smart people" Motivation for personal gain, such as career benefits, was more rarely reported Many of those surveyed said things like, "Mainly I contribute just to make it work for me", and "programmers develop software to 'scratch an itch'"[86] The International Institute of Infonomics at the University of Maastricht in the Netherlands reported in 2002 that in addition to the above, large corporations, and they specifically mentioned IBM, also spend large annual sums employing developers specifically for them to contribute to open source projects The firms' and the employees' motivations in such cases are less clear[87]

Members of the Linux community often speak of their community as a gift economy[88] The IT research firm IDC valued the Linux kernel at $18 billion USD in 2007 and projected its value at $40 billion USD in 2010[89] The Debian distribution of the GNU/Linux operating system offers over 37,000 free open-source software packages via their AMD64 repositories alone[90]

Collaborative works

Collaborative works are works created by an open community For example, Wikipedia – a free online encyclopedia – features millions of articles developed collaboratively, and almost none of its many authors and editors receive any direct material reward[91][92]

See also

  • Basic income
  • Brownie points
  • Calculation in kind
  • Egoboo
  • Food swap
  • Giving circles
  • History of money
  • Knowledge market
  • Pay it forward
  • Post-scarcity economy
  • Reciprocity in cultural anthropology

Notes

  1. ^ Cheal, David J 1988 "1" The Gift Economy New York: Routledge pp 1–19 ISBN 0415006414 Retrieved 2009-06-18 
  2. ^ R Kranton: Reciprocal exchange: a self-sustaining system, American Economic Review, V 86 1996, Issue 4 September, p 830-51
  3. ^ Malinowski, Bronislaw 1922 Argonauts of the Western Pacific London 
  4. ^ Keesing, Roger; Strathern, Andrew 1988 Cultural Anthropology A Contemporary Perspective Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace and Company p 165 
  5. ^ a b c Mauss, Marcel 1970 The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies London: Cohen & West 
  6. ^ a b c d e Weiner, Annette 1992 Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-while-Giving Berkeley: University of California Press 
  7. ^ Bollier, David "The Stubborn Vitality of the Gift Economy" Silent Theft: The Private Plunder of Our Common Wealth First Printing ed New York: Routledge, 2002 38-39 Print
  8. ^ J Parry, M Bloch 1989 "Introduction" in Money and the Morality of Exchange Cambridge: Cambridge University Press pp 8–12 
  9. ^ Parry, Jonathan 1986 "The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'" Man 21 3: 453–473 doi:102307/2803096 
  10. ^ a b c Parry, Jonathan 1986 "The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'" Man 21 3: 467 doi:102307/2803096 
  11. ^ Gregory, Chris 1982 Gifts and Commodities London: Academic Press pp 6–9 
  12. ^ a b c Hann, CM 1998 Property Relations: Renewing the Anthropological Tradition Cambridge: Cambridge University Press p 4 
  13. ^ Sider, Gerald M 1980 "The Ties That Bind: Culture and Agriculture, Property and Propriety in the Newfoundland Village Fishery" Social History 5 1: 2–3, 17 doi:101080/03071028008567469 
  14. ^ Coleman, Gabriella 2004 "The Political Agnosticism of Free and Open Source Software and the Inadvertent Politics of Contrast" Anthropological Quarterly 77 3: 507–19 doi:101353/anq20040035 
  15. ^ Levitt, Leon 1987 "On property, Intellectual Property, the Culture of Property, and Software Pirating" Anthropology of Work Review 8 1: 7–9 doi:101525/awr1987817 
  16. ^ Friedman, Jonathan 1999 "The Cultural Life of Intellectual Properties: Authorship, Appropriation, and the Law" American Ethnologist 26 4: 1001–2 doi:101525/ae19992641001 
  17. ^ Aragon, Lorraine; James Leach 2008 "Arts and Owners: Intellectual property law and the politics of scale in Indonesian Arts" American Ethnologist 35 4: 607–31 doi:101111/j1548-1425200800101x 
  18. ^ Coombe, Rosemary J 1993 "Cultural and Intellectual Properties: Occupying the Colonial Imagination" PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 16 1: 8–15 doi:101525/pol19931618 
  19. ^ Chris Hann, Keith Hart 2011 Economic Anthropology: History, Ethnography, Critique Cambridge: Polity Press p 158 
  20. ^ Strangelove, Michael 2005 The Empire of Mind: Digital Piracy and the Anti-Capitalist Movement Toronto: University of Toronto Press pp 92–6 
  21. ^ Malinowski, Bronislaw 1984 [1922] Argonauts of the Western Pacific : an account of native enterprise and adventure in the archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea Prospect Heights, Ill: Waveland Press 
  22. ^ a b Parry, Jonathan 1986 "The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'" Man 21 3: 466–69 doi:102307/2803096 
  23. ^ a b Hann, Chris, Hart, Keith 2011 Economic Anthropology: History, Ethnography, Critique Cambridge: Polity Press p 50 
  24. ^ Godelier, Maurice 1999 The Enigma of the Gift Cambridge: Polity Press 
  25. ^ Schrauwers, Albert 2004 "Hhouses, Eestates and class: On the importance of capitals in central Sulawesi" Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 160 1: 72–94 doi:101163/22134379-90003735 
  26. ^ a b Sahlins, Marshall 1972 Stone Age Economics Chicago: Aldine-Atherton ISBN 0-202-01099-6 
  27. ^ Gregory, Chris 1982 Gifts and Commodities London: Academic Press pp 189–194 
  28. ^ Arellano, Gabriela "Hot Embers News: Gratuity and Gratitude as Game Changers" Np, 13 Nov 2015 Web 04 Dec 2015
  29. ^ Parry, Jonathan 1986 "The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'" Man 21 3: 463–67 doi:102307/2803096 
  30. ^ Graeber, David 2001 Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams New York: Palgrave p 225 
  31. ^ Bohannan, Paul 1959 "The Impact of money on an African subsistence economy" The Journal of Economic History 19 4: 491–503 doi:101017/S0022050700085946 
  32. ^ Parry, Jonathan; Maurice Bloch 1989 Money and the Morality of Exchange Cambridge: Cambridge University Press pp 28–30 
  33. ^ Gregory, Chris 1982 Gifts and Commodities London: Academic Press pp 100–101 
  34. ^ Strathern, Marilyn 1988 The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia Berkeley: University of California Press pp 143–7 
  35. ^ Thomas, Nicholas 1991 Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 
  36. ^ a b c Lewis Hyde: The Gift: Imagination and the Erotic Life of Property, pg 18
  37. ^ Everett, Daniel L Aug–Oct 2005 "Cultural Constraints on Grammar and Cognition in Pirahã: Another Look at the Design Features of Human Language" Current Anthropology 46 4: 621–646 doi:101086/431525 
  38. ^ Curren, Erik 2012 "Charles Eisenstein wants to devalue your money to save the economy" Transition Voice Retrieved 9 February 2013 
  39. ^ Eisenstein, Charles 2007 "2" The Ascent of Humanity Harrisburg, PA: Pananthea Press ISBN 978-0977622207 Retrieved 9 February 2013 
  40. ^ Graeber, David 2001 "Marcel Mauss Revisited" Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value Basingstoke: Palgrave p 153 
  41. ^ Gregory, CA 1982 Gifts and Commodities London: Academic Press p 53 
  42. ^ Gregory, CA 1982 Gifts and Commodities London: Academic Press pp 53–54 
  43. ^ Sahlins, Marshall 1963 "Poor Man, Rich Man, Big-Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia" Comparative Studies in Society and History 3 5: 294–7 doi:101017/s0010417500001729 
  44. ^ "Tana Toraja official website" in Indonesian Archived from the original on May 29, 2006 Retrieved 2006-10-04 
  45. ^ a b c Schrauwers, Albert 2004 "Hhouses, Eestates and class; On the importance of capitals in central Sulawesi" Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 160 1: 83–86 doi:101163/22134379-90003735 
  46. ^ Graeber, David 2011 Debt: The first 5,000 years New York: Melville House pp 223–49 
  47. ^ Bowie, Katherine 1998 "The Alchemy of Charity: Of class and Buddhism in Northern Thailand" American Anthropologist 100 2: 469–81 doi:101525/aa19981002469 
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  49. ^ Bowie, Katherine 1998 "The Alchemy of Charity: Of class and Buddhism in Northern Thailand" American Anthropologist 100 2: 475–7 doi:101525/aa19981002469 
  50. ^ Schrauwers, Albert 2009 'Union is Strength': WL Mackenzie, The Children of Peace and the Emergence of Joint Stock Democracy in Upper Canada Toronto: University of Toronto Press pp 97–124 
  51. ^ "Features of gift exchange in market economy"
  52. ^ Schepper-Hughes, Nancy 2000 "The Global Traffic in Human Organs" Current Anthropology 41 2: 193 doi:101086/300123 
  53. ^ a b Schepper-Hughes, Nancy 2000 "The Global Traffic in Human Organs" Current Anthropology 41 2: 191–224 doi:101086/300123 
  54. ^ Sharp, Lesley A 2000 "The Commodification of the Body and its Parts" Annual Review of Anthropology 29: 303 doi:101146/annurevanthro291287 
  55. ^ Tober, Diane M 2001 "Semen as Gift, Semen as Goods: Reproductive Workers and the Market in Altruism" Body & Society 7 2-3: 137–60 doi:101177/1357034x0100700205 
  56. ^ Titmuss, Richard 1997 The Gift Relationship: From human blood to social policy New York: The New Press 
  57. ^ Bird-David, Nurit; Darr, Asaf 2009 "Commodity, gift and mass-gift: on gift-commodity hybrids in advanced mass consumption cultures" Economy and Society 38 2: 304–25 doi:101080/03085140902786777 
  58. ^ John Campbell McMillian; Paul Buhle 2003 The new left revisited Temple University Press pp 112– ISBN 978-1-56639-976-0 Retrieved 28 December 2011 
  59. ^ Lytle 2006, pp 213, 215
  60. ^ "Overview: who were are the Diggers" The Digger Archives Retrieved 2007-06-17 
  61. ^ Gail Dolgin; Vicente Franco 2007 American Experience: The Summer of Love PBS Retrieved 2007-04-23 
  62. ^ "What is Burning Man FAQ - Preparation" Retrieved 10/5/11
  63. ^ a b "How We Survive: The Currency of Giving Encore" Making Contact, produced by National Radio Project December 21, 2010
  64. ^ Burning Man principles include Gift Economy
  65. ^ Gifting It: A Burning Embrace of Gift Economy - documentary on IMDB
  66. ^ Barro, Josh "Can Washington's Gift Economy in Marijuana Work" 
  67. ^ Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution 1955 paperback reprinted 2005, includes Kropotkin's 1914 preface, Foreword and Bibliography by Ashley Montagu, and The Struggle for Existence, by Thomas H Huxley ed Boston: Extending Horizons Books, Porter Sargent Publishers ISBN 0-87558-024-6 Project Gutenberg e-text, Project LibriVox audiobook
  68. ^ [Augustin Souchy, "A Journey Through Aragon," in Sam Dolgoff ed, The Anarchist Collectives, ch 10]
  69. ^ Turner, Francis J 2005 Canadian encyclopedia of social work Waterloo, Ont: Wilfrid Laurier University Press pp 337–8 ISBN 0889204365 
  70. ^ Thompson, Edward P 1991 Customs in Common New York: New Press p 341 
  71. ^ Thompson, Edward P 1991 Customs in Common New York: New Press 
  72. ^ Scott, James C 1976 The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and subsistence in Southeast Asia Princeton: Princeton University Press 
  73. ^ Bollier, David 2002 "Reclaiming the commons" Boston Review 
  74. ^ Berry, David 21 February 2005 "The commons" Free Software Magazine 
  75. ^ Anon "Commoner" Farlex Inc Retrieved 20 April 2012 
  76. ^ Barnes, Peter 2006 Capitalism 30: A Guide to Reclaiming the Commons Berrett-Koehler Publishers ISBN 978-1-57675-361-3 
  77. ^ http://freecontentdefinitionorg/Definition
  78. ^ "Definition of Free Cultural Works" Retrieved 8 December 2011 
  79. ^ Stallman, Richard November 13, 2008 "Free Software and Free Manuals" Free Software Foundation Retrieved March 22, 2009 
  80. ^ Stallman, Richard "Why Open Source misses the point of Free Software" Free Software Foundation 
  81. ^ Anderson, Nate July 16, 2008 "EU caves to aging rockers, wants 45-year copyright extension" Ars Technica Retrieved August 8, 2008 
  82. ^ Mackaay, Ejan 1990 "Economic Incentives in Markets for Information and Innovation" Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy 13 909: 867–910 
  83. ^ Heylighen, Francis 2007 "Why is Open Access Development so Successful" In B Lutterbeck; M Barwolff; R A Gehring Open Source Jahrbuch Lehmanns Media 
  84. ^ Markus Giesler, Consumer Gift Systems
  85. ^ http://catborg/esr/writings/homesteading/homesteading/
  86. ^ Suehle, Ruth "An anthropologist's view of an open source community" opensourcecom Retrieved 19 March 2012 
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  89. ^ http://wwwcioupdatecom/news/articlephp/3660141/IDC-Linux-Ecosystem-Worth-40-Billion-by-2010htm
  90. ^ http://wwwdebianorg/doc/manuals/debian-reference/ch02enhtml
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Further reading

The concept of a gift economy has played a large role in works of fiction about alternate societies, especially in works of science fiction Examples include:

  • News from Nowhere 1890 by William Morris is a utopian novel about a society which operates on a gift economy
  • The Great Explosion 1962 by Eric Frank Russell describes the encounter of a military survey ship and a Gandhian pacifist society that operates as a gift economy
  • The Dispossessed 1974 by Ursula K Le Guin is a novel about a gift economy society that had exiled themselves from their capitalist homeplanet
  • The Mars trilogy, a series of books written by Kim Stanley Robinson in the 1990s, suggests that new human societies that develop away from Earth could migrate toward a gift economy
  • The movie Pay It Forward 2000 centers on a schoolboy who, for a school project, comes up with the idea of doing a good deed for another and then asking the recipient to "pay it forward" Although the phrase "gift economy" is never explicitly mentioned, the scheme would, in effect, create one
  • Down and Out in the Magic Kingdom 2003 by Cory Doctorow describes future society where rejuvenation and body-enhancement have made death obsolete, and material goods are no longer scarce, resulting in a reputation-based whuffie economic system
  • Wizard's Holiday 2003 by Diane Duane describes two young wizards visiting a utopian-like planet whose economy is based on gift-giving and mutual support
  • Voyage from Yesteryear 1982 by James P Hogan describes a society of the embryo colonists of Alpha Centauri who have a post-scarcity gift economy
  • Cradle of Saturn 1999 and its sequel The Anguished Dawn 2003 by James P Hogan describe a colonization effort on Saturn's largest satellite Both describe the challenges involved in adopting a new economic paradigm
  • Science fiction author Bruce Sterling wrote a story, Maneki-neko, in which the cat-paw gesture is the sign of a secret AI-based gift economy
  • The Gift Economy Writings and videos of Genevieve Vaughan and associated scholars


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